This translation certainly seemed strange to reviewers, who with
rare exceptions criticized it in the most damning terms. And the sense
of strangeness was measured, not surprisingly, against the canons of
fluent translation, which several reviewers formulated so as to make
clear its origins in the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. In the
Grosseteste Review, an English magazine usually sympathetic to
modernist poetics, Hugh Creighton Hill found fault with the
Zukofskys’ Catullus because it violated the domesticating translation
method favored by Johnson: “According to Samuel Johnson the duty
is one of changing one language into another while retaining the
sense, hence the main reason [to translate] would be to present the
meaning of an otherwise incomprehensible writer in recognisable
terms” (Hill 1970:21). In Arion, an academic journal devoted to
classical literature, Burton Raffel echoed a string of English translation
theorists from Dryden to Tytler when he suggested that translating
Catullus required “(a) a poet, and (b) an ability to identify with, to almost be Catullus over a protracted period” (Raffel 1969:444). Raffel
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praised Peter Whigham’s 1966 Catullus for achieving the
domestication that Denham and Dryden recommended: “it is
recognizably like what Catullus might have said, had he been alive
and well in London” (ibid.:441). Raffel’s valorization of transparency
permitted him to appreciate only those instances in the Zukofskys’
version where the illusionistic effect of authorial presence was the
strongest; and again the terms of his praise recalled countless English
commentators on translation during the Enlightenment: “Zukofsky’s
rendering [of 2a] is easy, graceful; it has an air of confidence, and it
warms to the touch as you read it over and over” (ibid.:437). In the
Poetry Review, Nicholas Moore agreed with Raffel—and the humanist
assumptions of their Enlightenment forebears: “To really get the spirit
of an original postulates a kinship of temperament and even style over
and beyond time, language, nationality and milieu” (Moore 1971:182).
Moore also judged the Zukofskys’ version against the eighteenth-century reception of Catullus’s poetry, praising “the essential
simplicity” of the Latin texts while inadvertently showing the
domestication at work in this reading with a comparison to several
English poets: Catullus, Moore felt, is “a sort of mixture of Herrick and
Burns with the sharpness of Pope and freedom of the Restoration
thrown in here and there” (ibid.:180). These comments demonstrate
quite clearly that even in the late 1960s and early 1970s, the centuriesold canons of fluent translation continued to dominate Anglo-American literary culture.
The fact is that the Zukofskys’ Catullus posed a cultural threat to
unsympathetic reviewers, driving them to make explicit, extreme,
and somewhat contradictory statements about the value of
transparent discourse. In the literary magazine Chelsea, Daniel
Coogan, a teacher of foreign languages at the City University of New
York, asserted that he “can find little to praise in this translation”
because “it is an essential principle of poetry that it be clear”
(Coogan 1970:117). In the New Statesman, the English poet Alan
Brownjohn praised James Michie’s recent version of Catullus as “a
performance of immense lucidity and pace,” while attacking the
Zukofskys’ as “knotted, clumsy, turgid and ultimately silly”
(Brownjohn 1969:151). The demand for immediate intelligibility was
so intense in the reviews that words like “gibberish,” “unreadable,”
and “mad” get repeatedly applied to the Zukofskys’ translation. For
Robert Conquest writing in Encounter, to take their project as
“seriously” as they did “is to feel the chill wind from the abysses of
unreason” (Conquest 1970:57).