Vortex

Pretoria shift its heavy armor and infantry units out of Namibia fast enough?”

Hickman shook his head again, answering his own question.

“I doubt it.”

He traced a sparse network of red and black lines shown on the flickering display map.

“South Africa’s road and rail net is just too limited. Plus,

Cuban MiGs have achieved almost total air superiority. They can pound the hell out of troop trains or truck convoys moving by day.”

1, SoT I

“So South Africa’s troops are going to arrive piecemeal -if at all.

They’ll slow the Cubans down some, maybe even a lot, but they’re not going to stop them. Not short of Pretoria anyway. And they’ll be cut to pieces in the process.”

Hickman stalked back to his seat in the silence that followed.

Nicholson cleared his throat.

“I still believe we should offer the

President some alternative to an ill-conceived and unilateral commitment of U.S. forces.”

Forrester stopped him there.

“Hold on, Chris. The British have agreed to send troops as well.”

“Are their troops going to stop every bullet the South Africans or Cubans fire, Mr. Vice President?” Nicholson shot back.

“We’re talking about going to war against a country that has more than a hundred thousand men under arms -a country that’s already at war with Cuba and itself. This isn’t going to be a walk in the park. We’re talking about a casualty list that could run into the thousands.”

Forrester’s eyes narrowed at the unsubtle dig, but he kept his temper under control. Beneath all his bluster, the CIA chief spoke for a sizable fraction of the cabinet, the Congress, and the American people. Nobody wanted to rush into another bloody, unwinnable quagmire like Vietnam.

“The alternative to military action is another Great Depression-tens of millions of people out of work, hunger, riots.

“Neither the President nor I claim to be infallible, Director. Do you see an option we’ve overlooked?”

“Yes. Why not press for action by the UN Security Council instead. Get a resolution calling on all parties to withdraw to”

For the first time, Edward Hurley spoke up.

“Won’t work, I’m afraid. The

Soviets would veto any such resolution like that!” He snapped his fingers for emphasis.

The secretary of commerce backed him up.

“That’s true. Moscow has too much power and prestige invested in a Cuban victory. They can’t afford to let the UN intervene.”

Again, the men and women seated around the long table nodded gravely.

A

Cuban victory meant de facto Cuban control over South Africa’s mineral wealth. That, in turn, meant the West would have to pay sharply higher prices for the strategic minerals it needed. For the first time in decades, Cuba wouldn’t need annual billion-dollar infusions of Soviet economic and military aid.

Even more important, from Moscow’s point of view, the prices paid for the

USSR’s own chromium, titanium, gold, and other mineral resources would climb dramatically-pouring badly needed hard currency into the State

Treasury. And if those higher prices produced a worldwide economic slump, so much the better. A depression in the industrial giants of the West would level the playing field. Power is relative not an absolute.

For the first time since the Cold War’s supposed end, the strategic interests of the Soviet Union were again opposed to those of the Western democracies.

Nicholson backed down and tried another angle.

“Then why not impose a blockade on Cuba? Cut off Castro’s ability to feed his troops and we end the war.”

“For the simple reason that they’re not being supplied from Cuba itself.

As you should know, Director.” For the first time that morning, Forrester showed his irritation openly.

“I assume you’re not proposing that we risk an even wider war by stopping Soviet merchant ships on the high seas?”

Wisely, Nicholson kept his mouth shut.

“In any event, even forcing a Cuban pullback would still leave us facing this nutcase Vorster.” Forrester grimaced.

“The President is absolutely convinced that we cannot guarantee the free flow of the minerals, and a stable international economy, without installing a democratic government of some sort in South Africa.”

He glared down the table toward the sullen, silent CIA chief.

“We’ve tried diplomatic pressures. They’ve failed. We’ve tried economic pressures. They’ve failed. And now we’re facing a situation that could wreck every economy from here to Tokyo. I’ll ask you this just one more time, Director Nicholson: What other option do we have?”

Silence.

“Right. None.” Forrester shifted his gaze toward the Joint Chiefs.

“Gentlemen, I think it’s time we started talking seriously about the use of military force. You’ve heard the President’s three objectives. Now I need to know what kinds of troops and hardware we’ll have to commit to achieve those objectives. His question created a stir among the Joint Chiefs as they talked among themselves for a moment or two.

Finally, General Hickman leaned forward.

“Mr. Vice President, one thing is very clear-the carrier battle group we’ve

got sitting off the South African coast can’t handle this on its own.”