Upfall

The assembled worthies accepted this hyperbole without comment, though both Yatom caught Feldhandler's eye, and they both silently noted the hypocrisy of the sentiment. The Prime Minister had been reluctant to launch the mission, hemmed and hawed until the last possible moment, and put the two men through at least a dozen false alarms before the mission finally got a solid go. Feldhandler though, was flattered that Yatom had looked his way.

The Prime Minister turned the floor over to the Dov Harel, the Chief of Staff, who assessed the latest intelligence from Teheran. Harel reported that the Iranians had not publicly acknowledged anything amiss, other than an accident at the Natanz plant. A modest evacuation of neighborhoods downwind of the facility was underway. This was as good a situation as the Israelis could hope for diplomatically. Militarily, the Iranians had placed all their forces on alert, including their missile units, but done nothing more. There was a general murmur of satisfaction through the room.

The Chief of Staff continued his analysis. It was unlikely that the Iranians would act. How could they? They only knew that somehow, one of their hated enemies, either Israel or the U.S., had penetrated a vital and secure facility and destroyed it. The Iranian leadership surely figured that if Natanz could be raided so easily, why not other strategic sites, including the leadership hierarchy itself? The Iranians could appear brash and aggressive, but they proceeded in most cases like chess masters, carefully plotting several moves in advance. Somehow they had been checked out of the blue.

Attention now turned to Zvi Levy, the head of Mossad and a former air force general himself. Levy confirmed Harel's analysis on Iran.

Again, murmurs of hopeful assent coursed through the room. Levy continued.

"Unfortunately, but not unexpectedly, we do have a problem, and it's a sticky one, because it is not with our enemy, but with our friend" said Levy. Levy didn't need to mention the friend—Israel really had only one that counted.

"The Americans are, to put it bluntly, pissed off. Unlike the Iranians they are certain the strike was ours, and the President does like to be blindsided, even when events are beneficial."

"Just like Osirak" added the Nimrod Arbel, the Defense Minister, a man who could not remain quiet for long. He referred to the Israeli air raid on Iraq's nuclear reactor in 1981, which was almost universally condemned at the time, including by the United States, but proved to be a boon to the Americans when they found themselves facing Saddam Hussein in Kuwait in 1991.

"True" said Levy "but it is much more complicated now. "In 1981 we flew American jets and dropped American bombs— problems in their own right to be sure. But on the other hand, our friend knew exactly what happened and how, almost as soon as it happened - through satellite imagery, electronic intercepts, and their own knowledge as to the capabilities of their own aircraft and munitions."

"But now they are completely in the dark" said Arbel, completing Levy's thought "and they don't like it." He smiled, as did a number of people at the table, but not the Prime Minister.

"I'd wipe that smile away" the PM said condescendingly. Few at the table liked the Prime Minister or much respected his judgment.

But all feared his political ruthlessness and skill. "I received a call from the President yesterday evening. Although we had planned a pat response, it did not go over well."

"What was said?" snapped Arbel, a long-time rival.

"I can now tell you only the immediate consequence of my discussion..."

"Okay, let's go..." said Arbel impatiently.

"Tomorrow and American team will arrive in Tel Aviv, led by Argus Crowley, the Deputy Secretary of Defense, with several officers and technical experts. They expect to be fully briefed on the operation."

"Impossible!" shouted Arbel. "Crowley is openly hostile to us. This is the worst possible situation."

"But it's the situation we are in" said the Prime Minister angrily.

"We must deal with it."

"You should put them off." said Arbel, and before he could say more, it seemed as if the room erupted as six or seven men and women started speaking loudly and simultaneously. It was turning into a typical Israeli conference.

Yatom grimaced, and looked over again at Feldhandler. Instead of bemusedly returning Yatom's look, as he had just moments before, it seemed now as if the scientist would explode. His face was red, his jaw set tight, and his eyes were as wide as a jackal's on a moonless night.

"Minister Arbel is correct!" shouted Feldhandler over the din. The room quieted a bit. "We cannot brief the Americans— not the way they want. I won't permit it." Only a couple of people continued to shout at each other. "It will not happen!" Feldhandler concluded with a final bellow, and the room fell silent.