There have been many fingers pointed toward gun control, mental health reform, and school security. In their article “Protecting Students from Gun Violence: Does ‘target hardening’ do more harm than good?” for
Educators should also think about how the school climate and culture contribute to the possibility of school shootings and work to change those factors. Reading detailed accounts of school shootings provides clues about what schools could be doing differently. In the early 1990s, the sociologist Katherine Newman led a team of researchers in a study of school shootings since 1970. Their report shone a light on the perennial social competition among teens in the school environment, which Newman termed the “status tournament of adolescence.” Some school practices intensify this competition. Think of the prominence of sports in American schools, with the tryouts, rankings, and sorting that go along with it. Think, too, of the teenage fixation on popularity and the common practice of anointing “kings” and “queens” at proms and homecoming dances. School shooters often report feeling like the losers of these status tournaments, and this disappointment sometimes turns to anger against the school environment, as was apparently so in the shootings at Columbine High School in Colorado (1999), East Carter High School in Kentucky (1993), and Westside Middle School in Arkansas (1998). Instead of fostering competition, schools might look for ways to increase students’ sense of belonging.3
As the reality of school shootings came into media focus, particularly with the watershed massacre at Columbine High School in 1999, in which thirteen people perished, Stephen King felt a responsibility to censor
I suppose if it had been written today, and some high school English teacher had seen it, he would have rushed the manuscript to the guidance counselor and I would have found myself in therapy posthaste. But 1965 was a different world, one where you didn’t have to take off your shoes before boarding a plane and there were no metal detectors at the entrances to high schools.4
He further asserts that although he didn’t believe
There simply is no quality evidence for the predictive value of violent game exposure as a risk factor for school shootings. Indeed, the risk of false positives is significant, even when considered in light with other variables (the inclusion of even one or two “universal variables,” that is, variables that are near universally true for the population of interest, give the illusion of multiple risk factors when considered in combination). Even if the focus is on “incessant” interest in violent games, most elders (teachers, parents, psychologists, etc.), as unfamiliar with game culture as most are, simply lack the perspective to evaluate what constitutes “incessant” interest, and what is developmentally normal or even healthy.5