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As he was campaigning to return to the premiership, Bibi Netanyahu made getting Israel to number among the top ten largest (per capita) economies in the world a centerpiece of his agenda. An independent think tank, the Reut Institute, has been pursuing a similar campaign called Israel 15. Gidi Grinstein, the founding president of Reut, was an adviser to former prime minister and current defense minister Ehud Barak, who had been a political rival of Netanyahu’s. Yet Grinstein agrees with Netanyahu that Israel’s goal should be not just to keep up with advanced nations but to rise to rank among the top nations as measured by GDP per capita.

As Grinstein sees it, “This challenge is not a luxury, it’s a necessity.” At a minimum, Israel must grow 4 percent per capita for a decade, he believes; the current gap in living standards between Israel and other developed countries is dangerous. He says, “Our business sector is among the world’s best, and our population is rich in skills and education. At the same time, the quality of life and the quality of public services in Israel are low, and for many, emigration is an opportunity to improve their lot.”11

This may be overstated, since record numbers of Israeli expatriates have recently been returning from the United States and other countries, in part due to a newly enacted ten-year tax holiday on foreign income for such returnees. And, of course, other factors besides income enter into “quality of life” decisions.

But the point that Israel can, should, and must grow its economy faster is crucial. Of all the threats and challenges facing Israel, an inability to keep the economy growing is perhaps the greatest, since it involves overcoming political obstacles and giving attention to neglected problems. Israel has a rare, maybe unique, cultural and institutional foundation that generates both innovation and entrepreneurship; what it lacks are policy fixes to further amplify and spread these assets within Israeli society. Fortunately for Israel, it is probably easier to change policies than it is to change a culture, as countries like Singapore demonstrate. As the New York Times’ Thomas Friedman put it, “I would much rather have Israel’s problems, which are mostly financial, mostly about governance, and mostly about infrastructure, rather than Singapore’s problem because Singapore’s problem is culture-bound.”12

Conclusion

Farmers of High Tech

The most careful thing is to dare.

—SHIMON PERES

AS WE WAITED IN ONE OF THE ANTEROOMS of the President’s House, we were not sure how much time we would get with President Shimon Peres. At eighty-five, Peres is the last member of the founding generation still in high office. Peres began his career as a twenty-five-year-old sidekick to David Ben-Gurion and went on to serve in almost every ministerial post, including two stints as prime minister. He also picked up a Nobel Peace Prize along the way.

Abroad, he is one of the most admired Israelis. At home, his reputation is more controversial. Peres is known primarily as the father of the 1993 Oslo accords, which were famously instituted with a handshake between Yitzhak Rabin and Yasir Arafat in the presence of Bill Clinton on the White House lawn, but which came to symbolize, to many Israelis, false hopes, terrorism, and war.

It is hard to exaggerate Peres’s impact on Israel’s diplomacy, but this is not what we were primarily interested in talking to him about. Less well known, but no less significant, was his role as a serial entrepreneur of a very unique sort—a founder of industries. He never spent a day of his life in business. In fact, he told us that neither he nor Ben-Gurion knew anything about economics. But Peres’s approach to government has been one of an entrepreneur launching start-ups.

Peres grew up on a kibbutz before the founding of the state. It wasn’t just the social and economic structure of this Israeli invention that was innovative; its very means of sustenance represented a huge departure. “Agriculture is more revolutionary than industry,” Peres was quick to point out as we finally settled into his book-lined office, surrounded by mementos from Ben-Gurion and world leaders.

“In twenty-five years, Israel increased its agricultural yields seventeen times. This is amazing,” he told us. People don’t realize this, Peres said, but agriculture is “ninety-five percent science, five percent work.”

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