Shadow Flight

"First, sir," Truesdell began tentatively, "we need to address the Castro issue. We have to know what his position is in relation to the hijacked bomber now hidden somewhere on his island. Castro's relations with the Kremlin turned sour long before Ignatyev surfaced, and they have continued to decline since."

"That's true," Gaines broke in, "but we need to consider an approach to a diplomatic solution."

"Mister Gaines," Truesdell replied sharply, visibly irritated. "Wait a minute. I am proposing that we place two carrier groups close to Cuba, have a battleship stand by to move in as soon as the B-2 is located, then explain our position to Castro and to the Kremlin."

"Kirk," the president said, "I'm not sure we want to take a stance like that, unless we have no alternative."

"Mister President," Truesdell replied, choosing his words carefully, "all I am suggesting is that we put some heat on Castro. He was forced into this — he had to have been. If we find the B-2 in his backyard, and explain our intentions, he damned sure isn't going to sit idle and take a pounding for the Soviet Union, if the Soviets are behind this."

"Sir," Kerchner began slowly, seeing the concern on the president's face. "Again, I have to agree with Kirk. If Castro believes that we're going to flatten his island if the bomber and her crew aren't released, he may quickly convince Ignatyev to change course, or produce the bomber."

The president pushed back his chair, swung around to his right, and stood. "Bernie, that could place us in a very difficult position. We aren't talking about Panama or Noriega. If we're wrong, and Castro can still get Soviet protection, there might be a disastrous about-face in the disarmament talks."

"Mister President," Truesdell interjected, "the Soviets would be responsible. They committed an act of international lawlessness. The Kremlin almost pulled off the hijacking, but they got caught, and we couldn't be in a better position to confront them and their henchman. Castro is going to be sitting on an extremely hot burner."

"If we have the proof," Kerchner said. "We have to have documented evidence-pictures of the B-2 in Cuba-to place in front of the world."

The room remained quiet as Alton Jarrett turned his back to the group and stared out of the window behind his desk. He considered the various solutions for recovering the Stealth bomber, and wondered what it would mean for Soviet-American relations if the Kremlin had initiated the theft. Was President Ignatyev, bent on restoring the glory of the Motherland, returning to the pre-perestroika ideology?

Jarrett turned toward his secretary of defense. "Bernie, what steps have to be taken before we know where the B-2 is located?"

"First, sir," Kerchner darted a look at Truesdell, who showed no emotion, "we need to be cautious… business as usual. We can't afford to alarm the Cubans, or the Russians, before our CIA agent is inserted to find the Stealth."

The president nodded his agreement.

"Actually," Kerchner said, placing his pen down, "I recommend we have the carrier groups on normal maneuvers, standing off the East Coast primed to strike. We don't want to do anything until we have the necessary documentation."

Kerchner watched the president's face. Jarrett seemed more relaxed, and the color had returned to his cheeks.

"Also," the secretary continued, "I strongly recommend that we prepare to remove all dependents, civilians, and nonessential personnel from Guantanamo Bay. At the same time, as unobtrusively as possible, we need to reinforce the marine contingent on the base. We'll do that in a routine manner, using C-130s out of Cherry Point."

Jarrett walked to his chair, sat down, and folded his hands together. "Anything else?"

Kerchner looked at the vice president for a moment, then back to Jarrett. "I would like to have the CO of the Naval Strike Warfare Center brief you on the current carrier air wing tactics."

The president agreed with a nod. "Fine, Bernie. Set it up when you have an opportunity."

"I've taken the liberty, sir," Kerchner responded with humility in his voice. "He's on his way now."

The vice president, who remained agitated by the guileless solution that Brian Gaines had put forth, stood and approached the president. "Sir, look at the history of our foreign policy. Every time we've pursued soft formulas, we've lost ground." Truesdell glanced at the chagrined security adviser. "Every time."

"Mister Vice President," Gaines countered, clearly irritated, "I take great umbrage at the insinuation that we are being soft."

"Brian, goddamnit," Truesdell said curtly, "we've just spent billions developing our Stealth technology, and the Soviets are soaking it up. We don't have a second to waste. The Soviets aren't going to respond unless we use a big stick, as we've always had to do.