‘Jesus, keep your bloody shirts on!’ said Blight, the veins in his neck pulsing angrily. ‘We don’t need that crap here. We need teamwork.’ Blight turned to Griffin. ‘What do you think, Graeme?’ The PM had been hoping that some kind of political solution might present itself, but so far none had.
‘About going in to Sulawesi with troops?’
‘Yes.’
‘I don’t think so. Spike says he’s sure where the crash site is. But what if it’s not there? Well, it’s a recipe for disaster. As we all know, there are many people in Indonesia angry about our last invasion of their soil: East Timor. We need to be mindful of the consequences of doing it again.’
The room was silent.
‘Look, things might change… I just don’t think we know enough yet,’ said Griffin, walking to the water cooler to pour himself a glass. ‘As for the reasons why we should send in troops — the Commander in Chief’s fear of a broader conspiracy — I’m not convinced about that either. But I would like to make a point that hasn’t been touched on and that is, I think we can’t assume the Indonesian
‘Are you saying that all this could be happening
‘Well, yes, basically,’ said Griffin cautiously. ‘The armed forces in Indonesia have a history of operating outside government control. Look at our own experience in East Timor. We knew more about what the TNI was cooking up there than Jakarta did — the Kopassus units arming and enlisting death squads, the training of militia, the silent executions, the standover tactics. The military treated its government like proverbial mushrooms.’
Blight swallowed drily.
‘Maybe the government wanted to be kept out of the loop publicly, but was in on it privately,’ said Niven.
‘We know that’s not true. Not strictly, anyway. The trouble is, the army — the TNI — has a large number of seats in the Indonesian parliament mandated by constitution. So, in a sense, the army
‘If the Indonesian government has been kept in the dark and fed on shit, as you suggest with your mushroom theory, how does that then explain their reluctance to accept our help in the search for the plane?’ asked Niven. ‘You really believe it’s just a matter of pride?’ He didn’t agree with Griffin’s reasoning, but that didn’t mean he wasn’t interested in the Director-General’s point of view.
Griffin considered before answering. ‘Yes. Pride, ego, face. They’ve always been sensitive about anything they might consider outside interference or intervention. Especially now after the rash of terrorist scares has put the spotlight on them. They’re keen to demonstrate to the world that Jakarta’s in control. And, as I said, the TNI has all those seats in the government. Or perhaps it’s an overreaction to once being ruled by a colonial power. Top that off with the fact that the government thinks it’s under siege… one, all, or a combination of these factors could explain their actions.
‘Internally, there’s plenty of dissatisfaction and frustration with the way things are going: Aceh, Ambon, Kalimantan, West Papua, are all boiling over. They are worried about the Balkanisation of their country. East Timor has gone. There is a very strong groundswell for independence in West Papua, formerly Irian Jaya, where there are freedom fighters — the OPM — who’ve been exchanging shots with the TNI for more than twenty years. No doubt you’ve seen the DIO paper currently circulating?’
Sharpe shook his head to indicate he hadn’t. The Foreign Minister had just returned from a lengthy United Nations forum on new international standards for the management and housing of refugees.
Niven snorted. In his view, Sharpe spent too much time in front of the TV cameras and being seen at restaurant openings to be an effective minister.
‘Briefly, Phil, it looks like the Kopassus are back to their old tricks, building up local militia forces in Papua. They get trucked in wearing civvies, with crates full of weapons and money, and arm anyone with a grudge.