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However, colonial archives do reveal that Italian authorities used monetary incentives for natives to cultivate their lands with coffee, following the rules publicized by the technical services. In the Harar region, in order to revive the locals’ interest in coffee cultivation, a decree of January 1937 established a plantation prize of 0.50 to 1 lira per tree of coffee whenever this showed the “rational requirements established by the Agrarian Department.”[34] This 1937 law, together with the above-mentioned reports of distributed coffee plants for 1940, suggest that at the ground level, Italian authorities did count on local previous structures and didn’t just start their imperial undertaking from scratch as the literature tends to emphasize. The willingness to build on preexistent indigenous social structures didn’t necessarily lead to virtuous colonial systems, as we know for many other colonial empires. References made in the Malcó experiment station reports to the future building of a “control system for surveillance of cultivation” and prizes for best practices, are not conclusive about the level of coercion involved in the undertaking.[35]

On the other hand, we know that the expropriation of lands to bring in new Italian settlers or to demarcate capitalist concessions created a class of landless peasants whose only way of paying colonial taxes was to work as wage laborers in cash crop operations either in big plantations or in smaller white settlers’ schemes.[36] Coffee concessions contracts granted by the colonial government to Europeans interested in investing in Ethiopia were very clear about how to deal with local populations: “the indigenous population resident in the territory of the concession may be relocated anywhere inside it.”[37] It was expected that these displaced people would now work in the area of the concession. Designs by Italian architects for plantations in Ethiopia show a central section for white farmers including only one room for natives doing the domestic service, while the rest of the indigenous workforce was housed in the outer zone of the perimeter, their huts consistently placed as the first zone of contact in case of attack.[38]

The few settlement schemes undertaken in the brief period of Italian presence in Ethiopia also help clarify the nature of relations that colonial planners had in mind. Italian peasant settlements deserved more elaboration from planners than the capitalist concessions: eight adjoining holdings with triangular shapes were grouped together forming a large square. At the center of the square eight settler houses disposed around a vast courtyard formed the nucleus of a community sharing a bakery and providing the security of about forty armed peasants. In case of attack, the compound could easily be converted into a fort. The 50–60 hectares of land that each settler was entitled to was divided as follows: closer to the house, a small patch for vegetables and fruits for auto consumption; at the periphery, about 20 hectares for foraging and cattle grazing; at the center, the arable land where cash crops could be cultivated, to be worked with indigenous wage laborers. These were housed in huts about 2 kilometers from settler houses.[39] Such scheme, as imagined by the architects of the settlement agency, Opera Nazionale Combatenti (Veterans Association), avoided for security reasons the fragmentation of dispersed farms as the ones the same planners had designed for internal colonization in Italy in the Pontine Marshes. It prevented also the formation of concentrated villages forcing settlers to cover large distances every day, making them vulnerable to indigenous attacks. It is apparent that planners were well aware that white settlement was not appreciated among the local population and that colonization was to be thought of as a military operation even after the territory had been allegedly pacified. The typically fascist military tone was not lost in these projects designed for the reproduction of armed peasants, demonstrating in hostile land the courage and bravery of Italian settlers. As in all other fascist empires dealt with in this book, the empire was thought to reveal the best characteristics of European races.

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Fascist Pigs: Technoscientific Organisms and the History of Fascism
Fascist Pigs: Technoscientific Organisms and the History of Fascism

In the fascist regimes of Mussolini's Italy, Salazar's Portugal, and Hitler's Germany, the first mass mobilizations involved wheat engineered to take advantage of chemical fertilizers, potatoes resistant to late blight, and pigs that thrived on national produce. Food independence was an early goal of fascism; indeed, as Tiago Saraiva writes in Fascist Pigs, fascists were obsessed with projects to feed the national body from the national soil. Saraiva shows how such technoscientific organisms as specially bred wheat and pigs became important elements in the institutionalization and expansion of fascist regimes. The pigs, the potatoes, and the wheat embodied fascism. In Nazi Germany, only plants and animals conforming to the new national standards would be allowed to reproduce. Pigs that didn't efficiently convert German-grown potatoes into pork and lard were eliminated.Saraiva describes national campaigns that intertwined the work of geneticists with new state bureaucracies; discusses fascist empires, considering forced labor on coffee, rubber, and cotton in Ethiopia, Mozambique, and Eastern Europe; and explores fascist genocides, following Karakul sheep from a laboratory in Germany to Eastern Europe, Libya, Ethiopia, and Angola.Saraiva's highly original account — the first systematic study of the relation between science and fascism — argues that the "back to the land" aspect of fascism should be understood as a modernist experiment involving geneticists and their organisms, mass propaganda, overgrown bureaucracy, and violent colonialism.Inside Technologyedited by Wiebe E. Bijker, W. Bernard Carlson, and Trevor J. PinchA list of the series appears at the back of the book.

Tiago Saraiva

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